The Summary by Meagan Malm
Based on the paper by Meagan Malm and Kentaro Toyama
INTRODUCTION
Through the mobile revolution, millions have been connected to information resources, financial services, and a level of social connectivity that was previously out-of-reach for low-income individuals. Cell phones have penetrated into some of the world’s remotest communities, and they figure prominently in contemporary discussions about international development and poverty alleviation. We aimed to develop an understanding of mobile phone habits and impact that went beyond averaged benefits and burdens at the population level – as is common in the existing literature.
We conducted a qualitative investigation of mobile phone use in Tanzania, to better understand how mobile devices help these individuals in their daily lives, and how they might hurt.
These findings have implications for development programs and policies that incorporate mobile devices with poverty alleviation efforts; the expansion and improvement of services through Major Network Operators (MNOs), like quality of cell service and more options to satisfy each type of user.
Study Design
I interviewed 133 participants in Swahili between two communities: Kisiwani District, Dar es Salaam and Mungushi Village, Arusha Region. Dar es Salaam is the economic epicenter of Tanzania with over six million people and growing rapidly, while Mungushi is a small farming community about two hours of dirt roads outside of Arusha Town.
We sought to understand the use and perceptions of mobile devices among low-income users, including those who do not own phones. We connected with entrepreneurs, shop owners, vehicle operators, freelance construction workers, farmers, petty traders, as well as the unemployed (including job-seekers, retirees, and stay-at-home family members). Most of our participants had difficult financial situations.
Basic communication through voice calls and texting emerged as the most common activity. Traditional entertainment activities (radio, music, news, and sports) were enjoyed by less than 20% of all phone owners.
We ask the question of whether or not individuals can use their mobile devices to improve their livelihoods, but more importantly, we look for the answer of whether or not people do.
*Full tables with complete demographic and phone activity information can be found in the Appendix
Findings
three types of users: simple, deliberate, advanced
Users can be categorized based on what type of phone they own, how they use their phones, and what benefits they obtain from their devices.
This finding shows that most people rely on mobile devices for social activities, and while some experience economic benefits, few lean on their phones for business and educational activities.
the lopsided impact of the sharing phenomenon
Previous work has identified mobile-phone sharing as a common phenomenon in the developing world, some guessing it eliminates the digital divide between developed and developing nations.
In our study, most phone owners participated in this phenomenon. There was no formal structure, where participants reported a large range of sharing occasions: from seconds to weeks, between family and strangers, sending messages and taking pictures. Many forms exist based on level of comfort: some refusing to lend and others participating in a type of dual-ownership. The most common cases, however, are based on necessity: no battery, no service, or no credit.
Most non-owners, however, used a more routinized form of sharing in an attempt to substitute for ownership. For all but three non-owners, it was insufficient. Since losing their devices, they experienced significant losses to productivity like difficulties finding work, running businesses, and sending or receiving money. Almost every single non-owner also mentions a struggle with freedom, isolation, and dignity since losing their mobile device. One person claiming that his life depends on the schedule of others.
This finding shows that there is a widespread system of sharing, with its own pros and cons, and while it can objectively be called an overall convenience to most, it does not replace the autonomy and efficiency of owning your own mobile device.
“It’s my way of being kidnapped.”
USERS FACE HIGH STAKES ECONOMIC CHOICES
Due to fragile financial situations, phone use is often in contention with other costs, which means phone use is valued similarly to basic needs. Users sometimes work intensely, forgo eating, and accrue debt in order to afford their devices. These seemingly routine costs quickly become a high stakes play among low-income users.
This finding shows that becoming a part of the mobile community and maintaining participation takes a large—and increasing—amount of income and effort among this demographic.
cultural impact of and on mobile phone use
While many users also benefit socially through digital connection, the pervasiveness of mobile devices has also either revealed or created social consequences for low-income users.
Most users share the priority of minimizing costs. Most users seemed to be motivated more by cost of service rather than quality of service while choosing a network provider and choosing a phone plan. Participants shared many unique strategies they use to optimize airtime value.
There is an expectation to send money. As mentioned earlier, mobile wallets are not used like savings accounts. Rather, mobile accounts experience a high frequency of cash flows. The most common mobile money activity was transferring funds between family and friends. It is not only common practice, but appears to be a sort of social responsibility.
Tensions are rising between generations and classes. A narrative surrounding elitist attitudes and self-deprecation surfaced throughout the interviews. While evaluating the costs vs. advantages of mobile devices, some users offered abrasive defenses—and others shyly admitted—that non-business owners waste money on phones. This damaging narrative seemed to equate cell phone activity to productivity. Whereas in reality, cell phone activity most often equals social activity.
This finding shows that cultural expectations can place additional strain on already vulnerable financial circumstances, mobile phone behavior is sometimes dictated by economic well-being, and social rifts are emerging between demographic groups as a result of cellphone adoption.
Impact
Overall, the economic and humanitarian potential of mobile phones is limited, for now. Here is how to unlock it further:
eliminate foundational barriers
Infrastructure deficiencies and disparities inhibit users from either extracting additional benefit from their devices or mitigating disadvantages caused by them. Mobile devices will be a burden to low-income users without:
Inconsistent or nonexistent electricity, as well as low service quality and availability plagued these users, even urban residents, living only 15km from the city center of Dar es Salaam. Rural owners faced an additional difficulty: a 100Tsh tax on vouchers due to extra transportation cost. These issues limit the type of phone they can afford (smartphones take longer to charge and have shorter battery life), and the types of services they can rely on (like mobile wallets - ref. Finding 3).
This is best solved through government and business interventions.
understand the users
User type profiles will help leaders to appropriately structure programs, policies, and services to communicate with and provide for their stakeholders. Mobile devices will be a burden to low-income users, unless decision makers remember that for this demographic:
Organizations interested in using mobile technology to assist in poverty alleviation should pay careful attention to these user types. Many users do not have occupations that allow them to leverage devices for profits. MNOs could explore restructuring fees that are more conducive for this group to save money on mobile wallets, and offer more purchasing packages with more time frames, or even customizable bundles for loyal customers.
This is best applied through MNOs, NGOs, non-profits, and social enterprise innovations.
change the narrative
Finally, researchers, industry leaders, policy-makers, and others should change the narrative around cell phone ownership and low-income users. People are allowed to use their phones for social activities and entertainment, and they are. That is likely true for users across the globe. Let this be the last paper to claim a main finding was that low-income users primarily use their devices for social activities, as if we—culprits, ourselves—expect them to be doing something more.
This is for the rest of us.
Conclusion
For low to middle-income individuals throughout urban and rural Tanzania, and similar developing nations, day-to-day choices like cell phone service and lunch for the day are in direct contention with one another. They face unfair, high-stakes decisions like—and unlike—many others all over the world. How these individuals approach and manage these decisions related to mobile devices has not been well understood previously. We provide insights into this demographic’s mobile phone use and its relation to their livelihoods. Our findings present an opportunity for the design and provision of financial, educational, and information resources.
The advantages of mobile devices are limited, given current infrastructure levels. However, it is possible to unlock further economic and humanitarian potential of mobile devices through development of physical infrastructure and carefully positioning device, instruction, and user to optimize the technology’s benefits while minimizing its burdens.
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Acknowledgments
A special thank you to my co-author, Kentaro Toyama, who was the first person to tell me I could be published if I so chose, and who took a chance to partner with me in the process to getting there.
The Wallenberg Selection Committee for seeing something in me and my fledgling of a project, allowing me to share in the legacy of Raoul Wallenberg. I hope this project honors his commitment to understand others and do good.
Nyambura Mpesha for the instructions on Swahili, culture, and life that served me well. And Aba Mpesha for helping me to my feet in the very beginning.
Cheri Alexander, Alison Kruger, T Hetzel, Michael Olabisi, and Dave Malm, who acted as my Board of Advisors throughout my year abroad.
Nzinyangwa Cheddiel Mmbaga and Jocktan Alphonce Mang'ombe for assisting me during interviews and introducing me to the Kisiwani and Mungushi communities.
Jubeck Anthony Mwang'onda for the advice and insights throughout every stage of research that helped to shape this project into what it is now.
The Mzengo family for being my home away from home.
My family for always being there for me, despite the thousands of miles between us.
Most importantly, thank you to the communities of Mungushi and Kisiwani and all of my participants for their honesty and continued interest. I hope this research brings the changes that you seek.
Asanteni sana,
Meagan Malm
